✪✪✪ Unequal America Case Study

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Unequal America Case Study

According to the department, this categorization is the result of limitations in its Unequal America Case Study system and not an indication that these arrests were made without legal justification. Accessed Jan. The use of dialogue helps establish Unequal America Case Study unequal pay and the misjudgment of. Unequal America Case Study Disparities and Unequal America Case Study Zacatecas Cultural Traditions Each dot on the graphic represents a low-level charge. Unequal America Case Study desire for Unequal America Case Study is shared by both city hall and police headquarters. Inthe Equal Pay Act was Unequal America Case Study, making Unequal America Case Study illegal to unevenly pay Unequal America Case Study specifically between genders, as well as diversity in race and Unequal America Case Study systems for the same labor. Unequal America Case Study and Exchange Commission.

Explained - Racial Wealth Gap - FULL EPISODE - Netflix

As a result, economic mobility decreased. During this same period, average wages remained flat. Income inequality is blamed on cheap labor in China, unfair exchange rates, and job outsourcing. Corporations are often blamed for putting profits ahead of workers. But they must remain competitive. As a result, many companies have outsourced their high-tech and manufacturing jobs overseas. These were traditionally higher-paying union jobs.

Service jobs have increased, but these are much lower paid. Education is also a powerful factor in improving economic mobility. Education increases the income that generates greater economic growth. A McKinsey study found that this achievement gap costs the U. Deregulation means less stringent investigations into labor disputes. That also benefits businesses more than wage earners. Technology, not globalization, feeds income inequality. It has also replaced many workers at factory jobs. Those who have training in technology can get higher-paying jobs. During the s, companies went public to gain more funds to invest in growth. Managers must now produce ever-larger profits to please stockholders. For most companies, payroll is the largest budget line item.

Reengineering has led to doing more with fewer full-time employees. It also means hiring more contract and temporary employees. Immigrants , many in the country illegally, fill more low-paid service positions. They have less bargaining power to demand higher wages. Many argue that President Trump's tax plan has helped businesses and investors more than wage earners. This favoritism creates structural inequality. Walmart is the nation's largest employer at 1. Unfortunately, it has set new standards for reducing employee pay and benefits.

Its competitors must follow suit to provide the same "Low Prices. In recent years, the Federal Reserve deserves some of the blame. Record-low interest rates were supposed to spur the housing market, making homes more affordable. While that is the case, housing prices have started to rise rapidly in recent years while wages have remained fairly flat.

The average American still doesn't have enough income to buy a home. This lack is especially true for younger people who typically form new households. Without good jobs, they're stuck living at home or with roommates. By keeping Treasury rates low, the Fed created an asset bubble in stocks. Many of the causes of U. Emerging market incomes are increasing. Countries such as China, Brazil, and India are becoming more competitive in the global marketplace. Their workforces are becoming more skilled. Also, their leaders are becoming more sophisticated in managing their economies. As a result, wealth is shifting to them from the United States and other developed countries. This shift is about lessening global income inequality.

As other countries become more developed, their wealth rises. In America, the least wealthy bear the brunt. The United States must accept that global wealth redistribution is occurring. Those in the top fifth of the U. Trying to prevent U. It is punishing them for responding to the global redistribution of wealth. Neither will protectionist trade policies or walls to prevent immigrants from entering illegally.

The government should provide the bottom two-fifths access to education and employment training. Investing in human capital is the best way to increase individual wealth and improve the labor force. Equity in education would bring everyone up to at least a minimum standard. It would be a better solution than increasing welfare benefits or providing a universal basic income. Congress can raise taxes on the top fifth to pay for it.

It should make these changes now so that the transition is gradual and healthy for the economy overall. Regulations are another part of the solution. Its goal is to help shareholders better understand executive compensation practices compared to the average employee pay. Census Bureau. Accessed Jan. Income Inequality. Jump to navigation Skip navigation. When Officer Rod Webber quickly approached the car that Hamza Jeylani was sitting in, the year-old hit record on his cell phone. According to police, the rationale for the March 18, , stop and detention was suspicion that the four young Black teenagers had stolen the car. The teenagers, however, were driving a blue Toyota Camry. He and his friends, all four of whom are of Somali descent, were driving while Black.

The data includes information about 96, arrests. The numbers show a startling disparity in the way police enforce low-level offenses, particularly in the neighborhoods within North Minneapolis, South Minneapolis, and the city center where more low-income and minority communities live. Black people in the city are 8. Native Americans have it no better. They are 8. Similarly, the ACLU tried to obtain data about officer-initiated suspicious persons stops that did not result in an arrest, but the Department informed the ACLU that it does not systematically collect that data. And again, it's done through our legal system, and so low-level offenses, as an example, are just one of the many, many ways that Minnesota has perfected the art of suppressing and subjugating people of color.

Once ensnared, the criminal justice system continues to squeeze poor people of color. Picking Up the Pieces - Policing in America, a Minneapolis Case Study digs into 33 months of data the ACLU obtained from the police department and explores the who, what, when, where, why, and how of low-level arrests occurring in a city known for its affluence and liberal politics. The report also recommends reforms to begin the process of improving police-community relations and ensuring that all Minneapolitans are policed fairly.

For a detailed methodology, click here. The Minneapolis data adds to a growing body of ACLU data analysis that demonstrates law enforcement across the nation are over and inequitably policing communities of color and that police practices are in need of sweeping reform. Reports from New York , Chicago both this year and last , Newark , Philadelphia , Boston , metropolitan Detroit , and Nebraska all describe police departments that reserve their most aggressive enforcement for people of color. In Minneapolis, the acknowledgement that reform is needed does not only come from the communities disproportionately affected by biased policing and their advocates in the civil liberties and civil rights communities.

The desire for change is shared by both city hall and police headquarters. Judge Burke and his colleagues are right, and Picking Up the Pieces is a hard-data reminder that such racial disparities in policing are unjust, unnecessary, and will only serve to further undermine public safety for all Minneapolitans if they are left to fester. From the outside, the experience of communities of color in Minneapolis — across nearly every facet of life — is hidden behind the widespread prosperity of white residents. Louis and Milwaukee. This is reflected in the Minneapolis-St. Black Minneapolitans are 2. Though there is no city-level information for Native American unemployment compared to white residents, 20 there is a The wealth gap has also led to residential segregation, as poor people of color crowd into a few neighborhoods within North and South Minneapolis and the city center.

This concentrated poverty leads to educational segregation as well, with white students enjoying dramatically better educational opportunities than students of color. In Picking Up the Pieces , the ACLU demonstrates how racial inequalities in the city extend to the way police enforce low-level offenses, which only increases the feelings of alienation many Minneapolitans of color have towards state and local government more generally. During the 33 months that this study covers, the Minneapolis Police Department made 96, low-level arrests.

Overall, Black people were 8. The pie charts to the right are based on the average annual number of low-level arrests by race for , , and The first chart shows that the average annual number of white low-level arrests was 8, This means that if no white person was arrested for a low-level offense more than once over the course of one year, 3 percent of the white population would have been picked up for a low-level offense. Using the same process, we can see that the average annual number of Black low-level arrests was 20, This means that in one year, 28 percent of the Black population could have been picked up for a low-level offense.

This is a staggering difference. Native American numbers only further prove the point that people of color are disproportionately arrested for low-level offenses, with an annual average of 2, arrests, which means that over the course of one year, 27 percent of Native Americans could have been picked up for a low-level offense. Sources: Minneapolis Police Department and U. These disparities become more disconcerting when you take into account the racial makeup of Minneapolis and compare with who was arrested for low-level offenses from January 1, , to September 30, White people make up 64 percent of the city's population but only 23 percent of low-level arrests. Black people make up only 19 percent of the city's population but accounted for 59 percent of the low-level arrests, the majority of which are clustered in predominantly Black neighborhoods in North and South Minneapolis that surround the city center.

This disparity contributes to longstanding mistrust between communities of color and the Minneapolis Police Department. Based on his 31 years of experience, Judge Burke says, "the time has come where you say, you know, we cannot afford to continue to have large numbers of people, principally people of color, ending up in jail on little offenses that really end up breeding distrust for their law enforcement and the justice system. Each dot on the graphic represents a low-level charge.

The second scatter plot shows the racial disparities that actually do exist, and they are far from ideal. The red highlighted data point on the far right side of the second chart shows that Blacks were over 25 times more likely to be arrested for loitering with intent to commit a narcotics offense, and this offense was charged just under 4, times during the 33 month period. To be charged with this offense you do not need to have narcotics in your possession. The other highlighted data point on the same chart shows that over the same time period, Blacks were over 5 times more likely to be arrested for no proof of auto insurance, and this offense was charged just over 12, times.

The disparity here is particularly noteworthy since patrol officers could not possibly know whether or not drivers had proof of insurance when they pulled them over. This may account for the dramatic disparity documented here. For more details, please refer to this Washington Post article. The picture is just as bleak when we look at disparities for the Native American population. The green data point on the right of the same graph represents that Native Americans were over 23 times more likely to be arrested for trespassing, and this offense was charged just over 4, times during the month period.

The blue highlighted data point shows that over the same time period, Native Americans were over 6 times more likely to be arrested for disorderly conduct, and this offense was charged just under 4, times. The offenses with or more occurrences that had the highest disparities were public consumption 24 times more likely , false name 24 times more likely , trespassing 24 times more likely , contempt of court 23 times more likely , and outstanding warrant for a low-level offense 23 times more likely.

The category includes offenses like careless driving, failure to use a turn signal, speeding, and unlawful acceleration. By contrast, at 3 a. This suggests racial profiling by law enforcement. The disparity is even worse for Native American youth, who are more than 7. Minneapolis youth of color know they are treated differently than their white counterparts. Faysal Mohamed, a friend of Jeylani who was in the car when Officer Webber pulled them over, has been stopped and detained by the police multiple times. If the people of Minneapolis, particularly its police leaders and public policy makers, are going to repair the lack of trust between communities of color and the police through smart reforms, they need to look to the next generation. But that will prove difficult, if not impossible, if police continue to over-police young people of color and poison their perceptions of people in positions of authority.

Much like the statistics for all low-level arrests, the racial disparities for young people are also stark. White youth make up 40 percent of the city's juvenile population but only 14 percent of youth low-level arrests. Black youth, on the other hand, make up 30 percent of the city's juvenile population but accounted for 60 percent of the youth low-level arrests. Native American youth make up 3 percent of the juvenile population and 8 percent of the youth arrests. The locations of these youth arrests follow a similar pattern as all low-level arrests and are geographically concentrated in certain neighborhoods of North and South Minneapolis and the city center.

The greater the Black population in the area, as the map on the right shows, the more youth arrested for low-level offenses. Forty percent of all low-level charges against young people were for curfew violation. Following that, the most common low-level charges were running away, attempting to cause bodily harm, disorderly conduct, truancy, outstanding warrant for a low-level offense, trespassing, no valid driver's license, and consumption of liquor by a minor.

These 10 offenses accounted for 74 percent of all low-level charges against youth. In Minneapolis, young people must abide by a curfew , which is separated into three separate age ranges. Children under 12 years old must be home by 9 p. The graphic to the right shows that 56 percent of curfew charges were against Black youth. Curfew charges against white youth made up only 17 percent of curfew charges. In addition, 33 children under 10 years old were charged with curfew violations during the study period, one as young as 4 years old.

Out of those 33, 28 were children of color. Twenty of these children were Black. Bringing youth into the criminal justice system at an early age does not protect them from victimization or deter future criminal behavior. Rather it makes them more likely to stay in the criminal justice system throughout their childhood and into adulthood. The data analyzed here indicates that the city's poorest and most vulnerable residents — those who experience homelessness — struggle not just with access to housing but also with arrests for low-level offenses.

Between January 1, , and September 30, , the Minneapolis Police Department arrested people experiencing homelessness over 6, times for low-level offenses. Almost half the time, as the graphic on the right shows, the same person was arrested more than once. In an extreme example, one homeless person was arrested 22 times. During the study period, the Minneapolis Police Department arrested people experiencing homelessness 6, times for low-level offenses.

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