➊ Conflict Among Racial Gangs In California

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Conflict Among Racial Gangs In California



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These consultations included stakeholders with customary titles to land, along with new private investors. The new land law enacted in had great social legitimacy and ownership and was perceived as balanced, thereby decreasing grievances associated with unequal access and perceptions that the government was favoring one group over another. In post-conflict situations ranging from Nepal to Rwanda, land reform — specifically, expanding ownership opportunities for previously landless households — has become a national priority. Another cause of violent conflict in many countries is the presence of large horizontal socio-economic inequalities among groups, especially with regards to land.

They played, for example, an important role in Liberia and Sierra Leone see, e. Ensuring that food security interventions address these inequalities on a more permanent basis could reduce the risk of violent conflict. Third, food security interventions can support the development of capacities and public administration systems. In El Salvador, for example, a school-feeding programme was started during the civil war in WFP supported capacity development, from the institutional framework and oversight to logistics, procurement and the design of the food basket Bundy et al. In Nepal, the establishment of a nation-wide food security monitoring system, supported by WFP, has helped the government respond to food insecurity and contributed to the legitimacy of the state and strengthened state-society relations McCandless Because horizontal inequalities played a role in the Maoist rebellion in Nepal, an equitable response capacity of the government also addresses a root cause.

Similar arguments are prompting the Government of South Sudan, with the support of WFP, to establish a strategic grain reserve system, which will develop government capacity to address food insecurity and contribute to state legitimacy McCandless These programmes have a proven track record of changing attitudes in the aftermath of conflict. Fourth, food security interventions can improve the sustainability of livelihood systems and food security outcomes. For example, the rehabilitation and management of water resources by different ethnic groups in Kyrgyzstan contributes to multi-ethnic reconciliation and addresses underlying drivers of conflict, including resource scarcity and ethnic tensions. A peacebuilding programme among pastoralists in Ethiopia focusing on conflict management capacity also unintentionally contributed to resilience because it improved social cohesion and relations among communities, which made them more resilient in the face of drought or other shocks, because of freedom of movement, access to water and land and more diverse livelihoods MercyCorps In Somalia, a water and sanitation programme by UNICEF was radically adapted early on to incorporate a component for negotiations to resolve conflicts about water access, which led to an agreement among local leaders on the construction of water systems and monitoring mechanisms McCandless Safety net systems, such as school feeding, cash- and food-for-work programmes, and child nutrition support also contribute to sustainability and better food security outcomes.

Cash- or food-for-work programmes focus on re building vital infrastructure, such as dams, roads, swamp reclamation structures, hillside terraces, water facilities and catchment areas. For example, WFP has conducted a large road rehabilitation project in South Sudan since , which has improved links in South Sudan and with neighbouring countries and helped revitalized trade. The roads built so far have halved the average travel time to markets, schools and health centres and reduced cereal prices in locations with road access.

Cash- or food-for-work programmes can particularly be important in cases where youth are vulnerable to recruitment by rebels, gangs or organized criminal violence. Safety nets can also provide an important mechanism to prevent urban riots or other forms of violence in reaction to sudden changes in access to food, for example, as a result to increases in food prices. Fifth, various food security interventions have contributed to social cohesion. This comes about partly as a result of working closely with communities. In Liberia, for example, the evaluation of a protracted relief and recovery operation found that 90 percent of the 1, participants interviewed believed that the short-term jobs, provided through the operation, had helped to promote peace and reconciliation WFP a.

This percentage of positive replies was higher than for skills learned or improvements in living conditions. Greater social cohesion can result even from brief exposure to new community-based participatory institutions Fearon et al. Focusing on youth is essential, particularly given the role that unemployed youth have played in fueling violence. Therefore, in Sierra Leone, a new programme targets youth by offering them cash- and food-for-work activities that rehabilitate roads, drainage systems, and other community assets. Bitter land disputes erupted as IDPs returned to resettle. IDP camps surrounded the village of Gohogbehi. For some time, mutual fear between the IDPs and Gohogbehi residents had brought work on the plantations to a standstill, and the bridges joining the village and the camps were destroyed.

Talks between WFP and the two communities led to an agreement whereby the parties would receive a one-month general food distribution followed by three months of food for work in exchange for rehabilitating the bridges. Both communities received their general food distribution at the same location; and constructing the bridges together gave them an opportunity to live and work together. Today, the two communities co-exist peacefully, goods and people circulate freely and access to the town is ensured.

Food assistance has helped these communities to develop social cohesion WFP b. In Mindanao the Philippines , a school meals programme increased community participation. School meals also strengthened the opportunities for dialogue between the government and targeted communities. Through food-for-work or training people became more cooperative and took on new projects together WFP c. These examples show that peacebuilding outcomes can be achieved through the process of providing food security assistance.

Peacebuilding outcomes were achieved without adding to — let alone replacing — food security objectives. Yet, the impact on peace can be greater if conflict dynamics are taken into account in programme design. In fact, involving communities in the design and implementation of programmes and having an inclusive approach to programmes will contribute to peacebuilding outcomes. The social interaction and joint analysis builds social cohesion. At a minimum, no groups should feel excluded or unfairly treated. Doing so can undermine a fragile, nascent peace. Since the end of the Cold War, the world has seen a steady decline in the number of active armed conflicts.

However, deviated significantly from that trend, seeing the largest year-to-year increase in the both the number of active conflicts and conflict severity. That this increase has closely followed spikes in international food prices — in late and early — has once again raised the question of whether food insecurity is a cause of violent conflict. In this paper, we surveyed the extant literature to develop a nuanced picture of the role of food insecurity in conflict. This paper addresses the feedbacks between food insecurity and conflict. While food insecurity can be a source of grievances that motivate rebellion, severe food insecurity has a dampening effect on conflict behavior. Communal conflicts tend to occur in chronically food-insecure environments, though the effects of rapid, inter-temporal changes in food access are less clear.

However, these relationships must be understood in proper context, as collective action paradigms, political institutions, and market structures can either mitigate or amplify the effects of food insecurity on conflict. Moreover, conflict itself is a significant source of food insecurity, as it disrupts production and distribution networks. Strategic food withholding can also be used as a tool used in counterinsurgency. What is clear is that there is a significant role for the international community to play in encouraging peacebuilding and the resolution of protracted crises, and that many of these interventions address conflict-related food insecurity. Food insecurity is a threat multiplier, but improving food insecurity can help to reduce tensions and address some of the fundamental grievances that motivate conflict in the first place.

After decades of progress in eradicating hunger, food insecurity is once again a front-page issue. While the challenges are no doubt great, there is a role for the integration of a peacebuilding approach into food-related interventions in responding to protracted crises. This role goes well beyond emergency relief and can contribute to rebuilding healthy, vibrant, and peaceful societies. The authors wish to thank Colleen Devlin and Catherine Mahoney for research assistance. The views and interpretations in this paper do not necessarily represent the views of the United Nations. For instance, the United States is characterized by horizontal inequality between racial groups: White Americans and Black or African Americans.

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Start Submission Become a Reviewer. X close. Abstract This paper addresses two related topics: 1 the circular link between food insecurity and conflict, with particular emphasis on the Sahel, and 2 the potential role of food security interventions in reducing the risk of violent conflicts. Keywords: food security, conflict, protest, rioting, peacebuilding. In Los Angeles, Oakland, and Oklahoma City, gang homicides occurred significantly more frequently on weekends than did nongang homicides. With regard to the circumstances preceding the homicide, drive-by shootings were significantly more likely to contribute to gang homicides than other types of homicide in Los Angeles and Oklahoma City Table 2.

Corresponding contributor: Dawn McDaniel, dawn. Homicide is the second leading cause of death among persons aged 15—24 years in the United States 4. The differences observed in gang versus nongang homicide incidents with regard to victim demographics, place of injury, and the use of drive-by shootings and firearms are consistent with previous reports 5. Gangs and gang members are involved in a variety of high-risk behaviors that sometimes include drug and crime involvement, but gang-related homicides usually are attributed to other circumstances 6. Newark was an exception by having a higher proportion of gang homicides being drug-related. A possible explanation of this divergent finding could be that Newark is experiencing homicides by gangs formed specifically for drug trade.

Overall, these findings support a view of gang homicides as retaliatory violence. These incidents most often result when contentious gang members pass each other in public places and a conflict quickly escalates into homicide with the use of firearms and drive-by shootings. The findings in this report are subject to at least two limitations.

Second, the gang homicide case definition can vary by law enforcement agency, which might introduce a misclassification bias. For instance, organized crime gangs, although distinct from youth street gangs are included in some but not all definitions of gang homicide. In addition, some agencies report according to a gang member—based definition i. In conclusion, gang homicides are unique violent events that require prevention strategies aimed specifically at gang processes.

Preventing gang joining and increasing youths' capacity to resolve conflict nonviolently might reduce gang homicides 8. Rigorous evaluation of gang violence prevention programs is limited; however, many promising programs exist 9. In terms of primary prevention, the Prevention Treatment Program, which includes child training in prosocial skills and self-control, has shown reductions in gang affiliation among youths aged 15 years Secondary prevention programs that intervene when youths have been injured by gang violence, such as hospital emergency department intervention programs, might interrupt the retaliatory nature of gang violence and promote youths leaving gangs.

Finally, promising tertiary prevention programs for gang-involved youths might include evidence-based programs for delinquent youths that provide family therapy to increase the youths' capacity to resolve conflict. The three counties in northern California began data collection in The two counties in southern California began data collection in The relevant variables for NVDRS include "gang activity" or "gang rivalry" listed as a preceding circumstance. The relevant preceding circumstance variable in SHRs included "juvenile gang killing" and "gangland killing. Additionally, data showed that gang homicides commonly were not preceded by drug trade and use or with other crimes in progress in Los Angeles, Long Beach, and Oakland, California.

Whereas many of the existing efforts directed at reducing gang homicide focus on suppression and control of gangs, drug trade, and other crimes, the results of this report indicate a need for complementary prevention efforts. Specifically, prevention programs should target adolescents before they reach the ages of 15—19 years to prevent them from joining gangs and being put at risk for gang violence in the first place. Further, to prevent the retaliation that results from gang conflict, programs might benefit from increasing youths' capacity to resolve conflict nonviolently.

Although these prevention strategies seem promising, rigorous evaluation still is needed to support the effectiveness of these programs. TABLE 1. Fisher's exact tests were used to compare all other variables. When a variable had more than two levels, each level was compared with all the remaining levels. TABLE 2. Because of missing data, statistical tests for time of injury were not conducted. Estimated gang-related mortality rates among 33 U. City population estimates were determined by U. Census levels. Census Bureau statistics. Surveillance years for participating cities vary. Alternate Text: The figure above shows the estimated gang-related mortality rates among 33 U.

Most cities included in this report also had high gang-related mortality rates in NYGS.

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